Lobbyists Scramble, Money Flows and Influence Trades Shape Arizona’s Annual ‘Hell Week’

As the Arizona Legislature prepares to convene for its annual session, a familiar ritual has unfolded around the State Capitol that highlights both the strengths and weaknesses of campaign finance law in the state. Members of the lobbying community and lawmakers themselves have entered what insiders call “Hell Week,” a compressed period when lobbyists race to contribute to campaigns and forge alliances before a statutory prohibition takes effect.

During the first week in January, lobbyists who advocate on behalf of businesses, interest groups, and municipalities will shuttle between back-to-back fundraisers, dropping checks into campaign coffers and seeking face time with legislators.

The frenetic pace is driven by a law born from Arizona’s AzScam corruption scandal of the early 1990s, when an undercover FBI sting exposed lawmakers accepting bribes in return for support on gambling legislation. In the wake of that scandal, the Legislature enacted a ban on lobbyists contributing to lawmakers during the session, creating this narrow window when contributions are still permitted.

To lobbyists, however, Hell Week is less an ethical firewall than an inevitable and exhausting necessity. As one lobbyist described the scene, “you can’t swing a dead cat without hitting a fundraiser this week.” Many admit that much of this week’s activity feels like quid pro quo, with checks cut just days before lawmakers return to the Capitol to begin considering hundreds, if not thousands, of pieces of legislation.

The intensity of the week derives from the interplay between statutory restrictions and political realities. Because lobbyists cannot make contributions once the session begins, this final seven-day period has become the only chance to show support for lawmakers who will determine the outcomes of their priorities. Many bills are already pre-filed and committee assignments are known, meaning lobbyists enter Hell Week with a clear sense of who wields influence over their issues of interest.

Lawmakers also use Hell Week to position themselves within their caucuses. Those seeking leadership roles frequently host or organize fundraisers not only to bolster their own campaigns, but to help others in the party, signaling their ability to bring in funding and cultivate loyalty. Fundraisers organized by legislative committees or multiple lawmakers at once have replaced the old model of dozens of individual events, making it more efficient for lobbyists to write checks without racing across town repeatedly.

Despite the campaign finance ban, savvy lobbyists have found workarounds that blunt the law’s intended effect. For example, clients represented by lobbyists, who are not themselves subject to the ban, may make donations during the session, effectively channeling support while technically staying within legal limits. Political action committees (PACs) also remain a conduit for contributions, as long as they are not tied to individual campaigns.

The political cross-currents of Hell Week also underscore how access and influence often transcend party lines. Fundraisers sometimes feature lawmakers from both parties, and former legislators now working as lobbyists host events for lawmakers across the aisle. One lobbyist put it plainly: “Cash is king. It’s not about party or party platform or policy, it’s about access.”

As the Legislature moves into session next week, the cash raised this week will be reflected in campaign finance reports and, more quietly, in the relationships that have been reinforced or forged.